187 1 the whole story of Li Hongzhang's fierce "confrontation" with the Japanese mission in.
Chapter 187 1 (Ten Years of Tongzhi) In July, when the sun was blazing, Japanese envoys arrived in Tianjin, and they were as anxious about China's termination as the hot weather. This time, the minister of the Ministry of Finance, Ida Zong, became the ambassador, and former foreign ministers, Liu Yuan, Qian Guang and Jin Tian Zhendao, were deputy ambassadors, with many entourage. In the Qing Dynasty, Li Hongzhang was the plenipotentiary minister. It was during the short interval of the courtesy exchange visits between the two sides that Li Hongzhang, Ying Baoshi, Chen Qin and others took the time to hold secret emergency consultations before the meeting, and finally completed the "final draft" of the above-mentioned Chinese draft. On July 29th (June 12), the representatives of both parties met in Shanxi Club, Tianjin, and read the authorization documents to each other. Li Hongzhang particularly emphasized the principle of not observing the "Western Covenant" (referring to the unequal treaty signed by China and Japan under the coercion of western powers). He said that China and Japan are countries with the same language, so don't copy the old things for meetings, so as not to make people laugh. Even if something has to be included in the Covenant, "we should adopt its meaning and change its name to avoid picking up the wisdom of westerners" {1} On the surface, Li Hongzhang seems to pay special attention to the form of the treaty, but in fact, the deep meaning lies in breaking away from the procedure of "Western Covenant" and drawing a clear line with "Western Covenant" to avoid confusion in content. Three days later, the Japanese side submitted their draft agreement. As soon as it got rid of the draft provided by Liuyuan Qianguang, it started a new stove, which was nothing more than a patchwork of relevant contents in the "Western Covenant". In view of this situation, the next day, China submitted the draft of "amending the rules and regulations" and "trade regulations" to Japan as a refusal to submit the draft, and made it clear that the draft you submitted yesterday copied the western contract, contrary to my * * * hope. Your country and I are separated by a sea, and we will exchange needed goods in the future. Friendship was originally a state of interdependence between lips and teeth, which came from western countries. Japan will not give in here. "It is necessary to emulate the Western Covenant, which means coercion." Li Hongzhang secretly instructed Ying Baoshi and Chen Qin to reply to the Japanese side, saying that "the meaning of the words should be slightly intensified, so that I know that I have a fixed opinion and will not be swayed by floating discussion." In China's letter, in addition to reaffirming the principle of "sticking to the previous position", it also contradicts two drafts of Japan, accusing Japan of "indecision and breaking its word first", saying that if this is the case, it would simply be like what the Prime Minister's yamen put forward last year, "business as usual is fine, and there is no need to conclude a contract". Now Japan is really nervous, afraid that the two sides will really break up and fail to sign the contract, which will not only disgrace the mission, but also be laughed at by westerners. Therefore, they have to agree in principle to take China's draft treaty as the basis, but they also demand that the style of the treaty be changed, and that the "organization" should be "exempt from the example of the Ethiopians". Obviously, this is a trick to use the sun to obey the yin and save the reputation. In the following days, the two sides discussed their own countermeasures and did not contact again until early July. The Japanese side proposed an amendment to add unilateral MFN treatment to the trade charter. This is naturally a very important move. In modern unequal treaties between China and foreign countries, this clause stipulates that when China grants any rights and interests to other countries, it should also allow them to "share all rights and interests" with the contracting parties in China. In this way, as long as one of the big countries that signed a treaty with China gains new rights and interests of aggression against China, they can invoke each other and make China suffer from wolf ambition. At this time, Japan also intends to create a treaty basis for sharing benefits for foreign powers invading China in the future. In the next few days, the two sides met frequently and had a fierce dispute. Li Hongzhang knows that if this article is allowed, Japan "will follow the example of the Western Covenant and can enter Chinese mainland and move around.". I can't deny it, but Peter will actually get it. " Guang Liu, the Japanese minister, has read many books on China, and is also familiar with The Advantages and Disadvantages of the Sino-Western Peace Treaty. He insists on this article. Li Hongzhang, Ying Baoshi and Chen Qin argued and argued without hesitation, leaving them speechless. The Japanese side did not hesitate to play rogue, saying that their country "has never been able to change the way of addressing" and "has become arrogant and conceited". Li Hongzhang made a gesture, saying that if you persist in this way, you will forget about the appointment. In this case, the Japanese can only "bow their heads and obey" {1}. Rejecting the one-sided MFN clause, it should be said that China has grasped the most crucial link in the negotiations. Seeing that the "all-in-one-share" clause could not be written into the contract, the Japanese side adopted circuitous tactics, hoping to obtain commercial privileges similar to those enjoyed by western powers in China by changing the clause prohibiting them from entering Chinese mainland. Li Hongzhang still refused to comply and asked the other side: Since Japan has agreed to trade with China at the stipulated ports, and the corresponding China people will not trade in mainland Japan, how can Japan go to Chinese mainland? Isn't it unfair that these two countries are going the same way? The representative of Japan has nothing to say again. Li Hongzhang was afraid that Japan would repeat the same mistakes in the future, so he added the words "Because each country has its own designated port, it is necessary to specify the restrictions" after the relevant provisions restricting trade in the Mainland (paragraphs 14 and 15 of the trade agreement). In this regard, Li Hongzhang said in his report to the Qing court: "This article is an interest that foreigners must strive for, but it is the source of illness in our mainland." "Now it's safe to listen to Japan for no reason!" "This person is poor and greedy, cheating and fresh, and his country is near Middle-earth, so it is convenient to return. Its appearance and writing are the same as China's, in order to grab the interests of Chinese mainland and immerse the people in China. The more skilled the operation, the greater the harm, not to mention the comparison between the west. I know that this negotiation is the most important thing to end mainland trade. " {2} In short, in the process of negotiating the treaty, Li Hongzhang was highly vigilant and fortified everywhere, especially grasping key links, adhering to principles and acting according to camera. His ideas and measures were appropriate, which effectively curbed the covetousness of the other side, made the treaty based on the draft proposed by the Chinese side, and the basic principles and themes remained unchanged. The revision is mainly the consideration and deliberation of some words, and the inevitable corresponding changes due to changes in circumstances. /kloc-On September 29, 2003, Li Hongzhang and Yida Zongcheng signed the Sino-Japanese Amendment on behalf of the Qing Dynasty and Japan respectively, as well as the Trade Regulations (with customs duties). The two conventions complement each other and basically implement the principle of reciprocity. As a bilateral treaty, the Sino-Japanese Reconciliation Treaty has 18 articles. It mainly stipulates that the two countries should "double their friendship" and "not slightly infringe on each other's" national territory "; In political affairs, we should listen to the autonomy of our own country and should not interfere with each other "; The two countries can send "ministers in charge of power" (today's so-called "plenipotentiary ambassadors") to each other's capital; Officials of the two countries with "equal rights and responsibilities" "use parallel ceremonies when meeting and delivering documents"; At the ports where the two sides trade, they set up "directors" to "restrain their own businessmen and people". Article 33 of the Trade Charter (with Customs Tariff), as a special commercial chapter, is also different from the commercial charter signed by western powers and China, which clearly stipulates the specific locations for the two sides to open trade ports (China 15, Japanese 8); Based on the principle that the two countries have the right to conduct reciprocal activities at each other's trading ports, relevant specific matters are stipulated; Attached are the tariffs of the two countries. The Basic Equality Treaty signed this time is really rare among the international treaties signed by China in modern times. This can be said to be "not imitating the West and entering the East". Of course, the success of this game was first limited to the specific conditions of Japan's fledgling at that time and its initial attempt at diplomacy with China, but it was also inseparable from the subjective and dynamic factors of China operator Li Hongzhang. Some people may say that under the historical conditions at that time, no matter what the treaty text was, China would suffer in its diplomatic practice. Even so, it should be regarded as two different things. After all, the treaty text is the direct result of reflecting the gains and losses of negotiation and negotiation, and it is an important evidence to reflect the diplomatic knowledge level and control ability of the contracting parties under specific objective conditions. Moreover, the equality of the treaty text is by no means irrelevant, and the actual binding force of this document should not be underestimated. Otherwise, why are the Japanese in such a hurry to talk to you and China? However, when the initial attempt was not realized and the signed treaty did not give Japan obvious privileges in Huaneng, it quickly requested to change the contract? As for the specific circumstances and results of its request to change the contract, it will be explained next. Of course, the Japanese side will not be satisfied with the result of "not imitating the West and entering the East", nor will it be content. Then, because the second amendment stipulates that "since the two countries are connected, they will naturally care about each other." If there are occasional cases of injustice and contempt in other countries, once they know it, they must help each other or mediate from it to establish friendship. "{1}. Western powers threatened that Japan and China had concluded an offensive and defensive treaty, which gave Japan an excuse to break the treaty. So soon after signing the contract, another storm of changing the contract was stirred up. For Japan, this seems to kill two birds with one stone: changing the contract is expected to seize the rights and interests of invading China, and it can also dispel the doubts of western powers and please it. For China, especially for the generation of Li Hongzhang who handled the negotiations with Japan, they are inevitably faced with a new trouble. 1872 (eleven years of Tongzhi) At the beginning of May, a Japanese delegation headed by Maehiro Yanahara came to Tianjin, where Li Hongzhang was in charge, and couldn't wait to ask Li Hongzhang to take over and change the contract. In advance, the Japanese side already knew something about related matters, so Li Hongzhang came prepared. After the Japanese envoys arrived, they deliberately delayed direct contact with them on the pretext of busy business, and let Chen Qin and others contact with them first, in order to get a glimpse of the truth, act with a good camera and take the initiative. Nine days after the Japanese ambassador arrived, that is, in May of 15, Li Hongzhang arranged to meet with the Japanese ambassador. During the meeting, Liuyuan Qianguang and others submitted a note and explained the reasons for requesting to change the contract. Li Hongzhang preemptively criticized that "the agreement has been made, how can it be changed", saying that in the original articles of association, it was repeatedly stated that "being friends with neighbors, trusting their ears and breaking their promises is a taboo in public law of all countries", while you Japanese "can't take this as an example to laugh at westerners" and threw back its note. The Japanese ambassador said, what you said is very reasonable, and we feel embarrassed ourselves, but we can't sell it when we return home after completing the task, so please put this note on hold. This is obviously a flexible way to continue to fight for it. Li Hongzhang still refused to promise, so the Japanese minister had to say, let's discuss it with Chen Qin and them again. The deadlock lasted about a month. Seeing that there could be no fundamental turnaround, the Japanese side had to ask for a "slight turnaround" and let them return to work as soon as possible. Judging from the main points of Japan's request to amend the contract this time, first, it is necessary to delete the second article in the "Repair Regulations" (quoted above) to illustrate the doubts of western countries; On the other hand, "I want to learn from the rules that countries often follow each other". After their country and "Ouxi changed the contract", I will modify the inconsistency with China's contract accordingly; The stipulation in Article 1 1 of the Repair Rules that it is forbidden to carry knives and tools for businessmen at the other port is not in line with Japanese habits, so it is required to be deleted, and so on. According to Li Hongzhang's report to the Qing court, the reason why the second article in the "system of amending the rules and establishing legislation" was originally "proposing innovation" was that Japan was very close to China, and western countries came to China for trade, mostly via Yokohama, Japan to Shanghai. Something will happen to Japan, especially China. Although the country may not be able to serve us, there is this one to contain it. "It won't add an enemy. Since there is this "profound meaning", Li Hongzhang naturally insists that it cannot be easily deleted. As for things like the control of weapons and machinery and some communication details, he feels "irrelevant" and there is room for accommodation. But he did not make it clear to the Japanese side. On the contrary, he insisted that "keeping promises is the most important thing when examining the initial settlement of diplomatic relations between the two countries." If you promise to reform, you will break your word first, and there is no way. "{1}. In any case, he said, the final procedure of "exchange contract" between the two sides must be completed first (after the treaty is signed, the two sides need to formally approve and recognize the exchange of treaty texts); After that, "if there is something that can be accommodated, you can do it at any time, but you can't allow travelers and you can't relax" {2}. The Japanese envoy saw that there was no hope of changing the contract now and had to return home. In the second year, the two countries completed the "exchange of treaties" between China and Japan, which was different from the "Western Treaty" and finally came into effect in "jurisprudence". This has left a rare page in China's modern diplomatic history, which is not bleak.